Overseas Terrorism in Canada Al Qaeda, Sikh,

Canada has a reputation as a haven for terrorists from many different backgrounds. This, unfortunately, is somewhat true, but we may not be quite as open to penetration by insurgents as some critics think. This chapter will look at the groups that are active around the world, and then look at some of those with connections within Canada.

Canadians tend to act surprised to learn that terrorism is present in Canada — a point that does confirm suspicions that many of us know little about our own history. Irish Fenians were a concern around the time of Confederation, and Darcy McGee (one of the Fathers of Confederation) was assassinated by one in 1869. Down through the decades after this, there were few problems inside Canada, although the Ku Klux Klan made an appearance between the World Wars and caused some problems. The other major source for occasional acts of terrorism (usually within their own community) were the Doukhobors, the first of the imported or ‘émigré’ groups to come into Canada. More would be heard from them after the Second World War.

Canadians are perfectly capable of generating terrorism on their own, although most incidents are minor, and narrowly focused within particular communities. Anthony Kellet catalogued 428 incidents of terrorism originating in Canada during a 30-year period between 1960 and 1989. These were acts by a variety of actors from the radical Left and Right, Quebec Separatists, the Doukhobors (still), and single issue players such as the Animal Liberation Front and anti-Abortion activists. The majority of these actions (some 200 in all) involved Quebec separatists, and 143 involved actions by the Sons of Freedom subset of the Doukhobors.

Quebec separatists provoked the greatest emergency with the FLQ crisis in 1970, when — 101 years after the death of Darcy McGee -- a Quebec cabinet minister became the second Canadian politician to be assassinated. Considerable attention was also generated by the short-lived career of five radical leftists, who went on a spree in 1982-83 that culminated in a clumsy but massive truck-bomb outside the Litton Industries plant in Toronto in October 1983. Truck bombs and assassinations were unusual, as the vast majority of Canadian terrorist attacks involved Molotov cocktails, pipe bombs, and other unsophisticated forms of attack. Kellet’s figures only include actual attacks, not threats, by groups that were formed in Canada and attacking targets inside Canada.

Terrorism inside Canada from international actors is not a new phenomenon either. Kellet also listed 62 incidents of international/émigré terrorism between 1960 and the end of 1989. Most of these involved unsophisticated attacks with pipe-bombs and Molotov cocktails on diplomatic sites — with the Cuban Consulate in Montreal receiving much unwelcome attention from Cuban expatriates during the 1960s. There were some attacks on Yugoslavian targets mounted by Canadian Croatians (who also sponsored some terrorist incidents inside Yugoslavia); some prominent Canadian Jews were among the intended targets of a Black September letter bomb campaign in 1971-72. Two Canadian Marxists also stumbled off to Nicaragua for ‘Solidarity Work’ with the Sandinistas in the late 1980s, but had actually been recruited by a Latin American terrorist group and deliberately involved themselves in the kidnapping of a Brazilian multi-millionaire.

Two other sources of terrorism during this time included the Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia and the Justice Commandos of the Armenian Genocide, and the start of Sikh terrorism inside Canada. The Armenian groups lived a short, but spectacular life, assassinating a Turkish military attaché on Ottawa’s prestigious Island Park Drive in a rush-hour drive by shooting, and staging the 1985 takeover of the Turkish Embassy in Ottawa — during which a Canadian security guard was shot to death. Sikh terrorism first appeared in 1979, and has been present in Canada ever since, with the Air India bombing (which exploded in mid-air over the Atlantic off Ireland) being responsible for the deaths of 329 people, 154 of who were Canadian citizens.

Deliberate attacks on Canadian targets abroad have been few and far between — so far. The Canadian Embassy in Peru was bombed (with only minor damage) in 1991, and the Air Canada cargo area in Los Angeles International Airport was bombed by an Armenian group in 1982. Canadian diplomats have had to exercise caution in some postings (Sri Lanka, for instance, where there was a terrorist attack on non-Canadian targets just outside the Canadian Chancery in 1992) but so far they do not seem to have been targeted.

The pace of terrorist violence generated inside Canada has not changed much in the 1990s. While the Canadian radical right is too penetrated to easily reform itself after the collapse of the Heritage Front, it has also been incapable of any significant pre-planned and deliberate violence. The Radical left presents occasional threats -- once with a series of parcel bombs, and with the deliberately planned use of firebombs during "protests". The Animal Liberation Front is still busy, and an Anti-Abortionist engaged in a series of sniper attacks.

While terrorism is not unknown in Canada, most of the groups generated inside the country can be easily handled by Canadian police (if not always being satisfactorily dealt with by our courts). Things are less sure when considering international terrorism, whether generated abroad, or sustained by émigré groups inside Canada.

Groups in the World Today

Terrorism is a common phenomenon, and there are numerous groups scattered around the world. Some are nationalist groups with a quasi-Leftist ideology (Marxist, Maoist, or Trotskyite) that claim to be working to advance the fortunes of a particular ethno-cultural group — usually despite having very little support from the people they purport to represent. Other terrorist organizations are (or were) definitively revolutionary in character, hoping to overthrow the government inside a particular country, and supplant it with some kind of brave new society. Most (but not all) of these groups employ Marxist credos of some kind.

The Palestinians created a number of groups in the 1960s and ‘70s, working for the overthrow of Israel specifically, if not for a larger revolution altogether. Some of these groups are still in existence, nursed by sponsoring governments in the Middle East. Since the 1980s, Islamic Fundamentalism has supplanted these older variations of nationalist/socialist/Marxist thinking as the inspiring ideology for dissent in the Muslim world and dozens of new groups appeared — most of the Sunni Muslim fundamentalists have become laced into the al Qaeda network, except for the newer Palestinian groups.

There are other groups as well, ranging from an apocalyptic Japanese religious cult, to animal rights extremists, to ‘right wing’ extremists with a predilection for racial warfare. It also appears that the radical left’s resurgence in anti-globalization protests has rekindled some vanished groups such as the Italian Red Brigades.

A partial list of existing international terrorist groups in the world today would include:

Palestinian Marxist/Socialist Groups:

The Abu Nidal Organization (aka Black September, Fatah Revolutionary Council): A dwindling group based in Lebanon, Iraq (where its leader recently died under mysterious circumstances), Sudan, and Syria; it was once one of the most aggressive and feared groups in the world, having killed or injured some 900 people -- including Canadians -- in 20 countries. It is doubtful if they have a presence in Canada, although some members were rumored to be here in 1975 to plan an attack on the Montreal Olympics. The group is banned in Canada.

The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP): Likewise a fading group based in Lebanon, it survives (barely) with Syrian support. A Canadian presence, if any, is unknown

The Palestine Liberation Front (PLF): Another tiny residual group from the 1960s and ‘70s, it survives with Iraqi support, but has not committed any actions lately. Again, it is doubtful if they are present in Canada.

The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO): Currently ‘respectable,’ given its presence as the governing authority in the West Bank, Yasser Arafat’s bodyguards, police and Militia (especially the Al Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigade) still commit acts of terrorism against Israeli targets. The group does have a presence in Canada but, as is the case elsewhere, action against it is unlikely as long as the tattered peace process continues — although the Al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigade is banned in Canada.

The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP): Another group that was more feared in the past than today, it has been drawing towards a union with the DFLP. It maintained a presence in several Middle Eastern countries, but is most unlikely to have a presence in Canada.

The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine — General Command (PFLP-GC): A group with a record for innovative and aggressive attacks, it remains active and draws support from Syria and Iran, while maintaining cells in Europe. It seems unlikely that they have a presence in Canada.

Other Marxist/Maoist Groups

Euzkadi ta Askatasuna (ETA): Basque Fatherland and Liberty was formed to fight against the government of Francisco Franco and create a Basque homeland based on Marxist principles. Once a part of the network of European and Middle Eastern Marxist groups of the 1970s and ‘80s, it remains active, though much reduced in its capabilities. There being only a miniscule Basque population in Canada, a presence here is most unlikely, but the group is banned in Canada anyway.

Grupos de Resistencia Primero de Octubre (GRAPO): A tiny Maoist group in Spain, it has been exceptionally violent for its size — killing over 90 people since 1975. French and Spanish police have arrested several of its leaders since 2000. It is most unlikely that this group has any presence in Canada.

Japanese Red Army: Another holdover from the 1970s, the group now largely consists of a handful of die-hards in Lebanon. There were some grounds for suspicion that the group was planning an action in Canada in the mid-1980s.

Kurdish Worker’s Party (PKK): Consisting of Kurds from Turkey, the group hopes to win a homeland based on Marxist principles. Note that Iraqi Kurdish insurgents have occasionally co-operated with the Turkish Army to operate against PKK sanctuaries there. The group is large and has a significant presence inside Europe. There are active and violent PKK supporters in Canada — some of whom may be veteran guerrillas — and the group is banned here.

The Manuel Rodriguez Patriotic Front: A Chilean Marxist group founded in the early 1980s, the group has fractured and lost most of its general support. Some members are at large. It is doubtful that any active supporters are in Canada.

Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization (aka The National Liberation Army of Iran, the People’s Mujahidin of Iran, National Council of Resistance, and Muslim Iranian Student’s Society): Formed in the 1960s as an unusual fusion of Islam and Marxism, surviving members of the group are concentrated in Iraq. It has members and supporters around the Western world, including inside Canada.

National Liberation Front (ELN): A Colombian Marxist group that has recently grounded its arms to take up an overt political presence inside the country. Canadian support, if any, remains unknown. The group is banned in Canada.

New People’s Army (NPA): A Communist insurgency in the Philippines, it has dwindled quite markedly through the 1990s, and is now little heard from. It is not known if they have any active supporters in Canada.

Party of Democratic Kampuchea: These are the die-hard members of the Khmer Rouge and, with some 2 million deaths on their account, are unlikely to ever surrender. It would be extremely surprising to learn of any active members outside of Cambodia.

The Red Brigades: This Italian Marxist Group first appeared in the late 1960s, only to vanish almost entirely in the early 1990s. A handful of terrorists staged a comeback for the group with two assassinations in 1999, and the group is active once more. It is doubtful if they have any supporters or members in Canada.

Revolutionary Organization 17 November: This violent group of Greek Marxists has made a number of attacks — often with sophisticated weaponry — against Greek, NATO, and American targets over the years. Its two key leaders were arrested in December 2002, along with a sizeable arsenal. It is doubtful if they have a Canadian presence.

Revolutionary People’s Liberation Army (Dev Sol): Urban Turkish Marxists, this group has staged several attacks on Turkish police, military, US, and NATO targets since 1978. In 1996 it also signaled a new willingness to attack business leaders. It is doubtful that they have a Canadian presence.

Revolutionary Proletarian Army: A Communist group in the Philippines that is surviving the conditions that are plaguing the NPA, it is a minor group and unlikely to have any presence in Canada.

Sendero Luminoso: A Peruvian Maoist group that conducted an intensive and brutal insurgency throughout the 1980s, many of its leaders were arrested, and many members took advantage of an amnesty program in the 1990s. The remaining elements of the group remain active (primarily in coca leaf producing areas) where they support the drug trade. A few supporters are in Canada.

Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement: A Marxist-Leninist Peruvian Group, it had lost much of its strength and influence before it made a surprising assault during December 1996 on the Japanese embassy in Lima — precipitating a hostage situation that lasted for several months before the site was stormed. Since then, the group’s presence has been negligible. Any presence by the group in Canada is doubtful.

Al Qaeda Affiliated Islamic Fundamentalist Groups

Abu Sayaf Group: Most active in the Philippines, but with the potential to act elsewhere in Southeast Asia, the group is an outgrowth of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. It is unlikely that they have any Canadian presence, but are banned here anyway.

Al-Badar, another of the plethora of al Qaeda affiliates, the group operates inside Pakistan and might have some presence in Canada.

Al-Gana’at Al Islamiyya is an Egyptian group that first appeared in the 1970s. While it primarily seeks to overthrow the Egyptian government, it has a global presence. The group is banned in Canada (which suggests they may have some supporters here).

Al-Ithhihad Al-Islami operates from within Somalia, and has some connections to the Aideed Clan. They may have a presence inside Canada and have been banned here.

Al Qaeda is banned in Canada. It has members inside Canada and has killed Canadian citizens in both the Bali Nightclub bombing and the September 11^th Attacks. Operating as a network of networks, the group is the most widespread and dangerous one in the world today.

Ansar al-Islam: This group transplanted itself to northern Iraq where it is reported to cooperate with Hussein’s regime, it is also reported to have the greatest degree of training in producing chemical and biological weaponry. Members were also involved in the February 2003 production of the biotoxin ricin in Britain. Two of the group’s leaders are Canadian and have lived in Toronto.

Armed Islamic Group (GIA): Appearing in 1992, the group has engaged in an exceptionally violent conflict with the Algerian government, but has also operated in France. It has supporters throughout the Algerian expatriate community, including inside Canada. The group has been banned by the Canadian government.

Asbat al-Ansar: Banned in Canada, the group originally operated from Lebanon for the most part, and may have some supporters in Canada.

Bayat al-Iman Group of Jordan; Although an al Qaeda affiliate, it appears doubtful that the group has any presence inside Canada.

Eastern Turkistan Islamic Party: Although affiliated with al Qaeda, the group operates almost entirely inside China on behalf of the oppressed Uighur Muslim communities in the western part of the country. It is extremely unlikely to have any presence in Canada.

Egyptian Islamic Jihad (aka Jihad Group, Egyptian Islamic Group, Vanguards of Conquest): Active since the 1970s, the group is apparently becoming factionalized over its future — one wing has firmly tied itself to al Qaeda; the other wing seems to be increasingly preferring peaceful political activities over violence. Members of the group have some presence in Canada, and the group is banned here.

Harakat ul Ansar: Affiliated with al Qaeda, the group is most active in the Kashmir. It does not appear to have any presence in Canada.

Harakat ul Jihad: Another al Qaeda related group active in the Kashmir. Again, it does not seem to be present in Canada.

Harakat ul-Mujahidn: This group is also active in Pakistan and the Kashmir, and might have some presence in Canada — where it is on the list of banned groups. It is the most active of the Kashmiri groups, but has also sworn to attack American targets.

Hezb-I-Islami: A near-ally rather than an affiliate, this is the army of the Afghan Warlord Gullbuddin Hekmatyar, and is practicing terrorism inside Afghanistan to destabilize the post-Taliban government. It is unlikely that they have any supporters inside Canada.

Islamic Army of Aydin: Active in Yemen, it was the front group for al Qaeda’s attack on the USS Cole. The group is banned in Canada.

Islamic Movement of Tajikistan: Affiliated with al Qaeda, the group normally operates in Tajikistan, and seems to have no connections with Canada.

Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan: Like the Tajik Islamic Fundamentalists, this group is active in the old Central Asian Republics, and drew support through Afghanistan when the country was under Taliban/al Qaeda control. It seems to have no connections with Canada, but is banned here anyway.

Jamiat Ulema-e–Islam: Their presence is concentrated in Pakistan and it is doubtful if they have any foothold inside Canada.

Jemmaah Islamiyyyah: Active in Southeast Asia, a Canadian al Qaeda member has been associated with the group. The group is banned in Canada.

Jayesh-e-Mohammed: Another al Qaeda affiliate active in India, the group has been banned in Canada and may have some small presence here.

Jihad Movement of Bangladesh: This al Qaeda affiliate seems to have no presence in Canada.

Jihad Movement of Jordan: as above.

Jihad Group of Yemen: as above.

Lashhkar-e-Tayyiba: Another al Qaeda affiliate with no known Canadian presence, but it is banned here.

Laskar Jihad: Active in Indonesia, particularly in attacks on Chinese and Christians, the group seems unlikely to have any connections to Canada.

Laskar Jundullah: Another al Qaeda affiliate operating in Indonesia and, again, unlikely to have any presence in Canada.

Lebanese Partisans League: Like so many other Sunni-oriented Islamic Fundamentalists groups, this group signed the 1998 Fatwah issued by Osama bin Laden. It is possible that they have some presence in Canada.

Libyan Islamic Fighting Group: After sending volunteers to fight in Afghanistan, Colonel Khaddafi was hoisted by his own petard when they returned after a thorough indoctrination in Islamic Fundamentalist thought. After their attempted revolt inside Libya failed, members have dispersed elsewhere within the al Qaeda network.

Moro Islamic Liberation Front: Active entirely within the Southern Philippines, the group has engaged in a long war against the Philippine government. It is unlikely to be active within Canada.

Moroccan Islamic Combatant Group: The Moroccan franchise for al Qaeda; they are not believed to have any presence inside Canada.

Muslim Brotherhood (aka Ikwhan): An older group that may have formed in the 1940s, it is not known if they have a Canadian presence.

Palestinian Islamic Jihad: An aggressive Fundamentalist group based in the Gaza Strip, and the only Palestinian group to affiliate itself with al Qaeda, it maintains a strong presence in some American and European universities within Islamic students Associations. There are grounds to believe the organization may be active on some Canadian campuses too, and the group is banned in Canada.

The Partisans Movement: Active in Pakistan and the Kashmir, it is doubtful if the group has any Canadian presence.

Salafist Group for Call and Combat: Another group arising out of North Africa, perhaps in the late 19^th Century, the group may be used by al Qaeda to separate GIA members from the more ignominious deeds of their parent group (the GIA has killed tens of thousands of Muslim Algerians). Members of the group have been active in Canada and the group is banned here.

Takfir wal Hirja: Known as "Anathema and Exile" it may be a prestige group within al Qaeda — seemingly devoted to implanting long term ‘sleeper’ cells. They may also be one of the oldest Islamic Fundamentalist organizations, possibly with antecedents inside 19^th Century Egypt. Some Canadian fundamentalists may be associated with it.

Tunisian Combatant Group: Associated with the Salafist Group, it seeks to create an Islamic regime in Tunis. Two members assassinated the legendary Afghan war hero Ahmed Shah Massood in early September 2001.

Ulema Union of Afghanistan: Formed as an Afghan al Qaeda affiliate, the current status of the group is unknown, and it is doubtful that a Canadian presence is maintained.

Sikh Terrorist Groups

Sikhism is one of the world’s newest faiths. It was born in the 15th century in what is now northern India and eastern Pakistan. For a brief period, between 1799 and 1849, Sikhs were able to fend off aggressors and maintain a state of their own. This came to an end when the British moved to end instability in the Punjab and occupied it after two hard-fought wars. Impressed by the Sikh’s martial characteristics, the British promptly raised troops there and seldom regretted doing so.

In colonial times, demands for a separate state were made upon the British. Later, Sikh leaders attempted to negotiate an improved status for their followers with India on the basis of their religious and cultural uniqueness. In 1964, the Indian government made a concession to the Sikh leadership and created the Punjab state, which was however based on the Punjabi language (spoken by most Sikhs,) but not the Sikh faith; thus leaving the Sikhs as a minority in the new state.

The most recent violence in the name of a Sikh homeland emerged not from an escalation of this legitimate political struggle, but rather the realpolitik played by New Delhi and the Congress Party, then under Indira Gandhi, and the opportunism of small groups of radicals within the Sikh community who were willing to use violence in support of their cause. Once they became involved, previous negotiations for a democratic and inclusive Sikh state were displaced by demands for a militant and fundamentalist-only state.

In 1975, Gandhi was convicted of corruption and defied the opposition who demanded her resignation. After another 18 months of emergency rule, she was soundly defeated in a national election. To return to power, she needed to shake up the political landscape of India. One of her first targets was the alliance that emerged between the Akali Dal (AD), the dominant party representing Sikh interests, and a Hindu party in the Punjab, the state where most Sikhs are concentrated.

The Akali Dal had the backing of the Shiromani Gurdawara Pradbandhk Committee (SGPC), which oversaw the finances of Sikh temples, giving them access to these vast financial resources. Gandhi’s political strategists decided to mount a political assault on the AD by quietly supporting and promoting an alternative Sikh voice, one which would be radically fundamentalist and uncompromising in Sikh politics. The ultimate objective of the Congress Party was to embarrass the AD by using their pawn to expose them as "frauds" and "soft supporters" of Sikh ideals.

The man chosen to fulfill this role was the now infamous Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, then a moderately popular and charismatic religious leader. Behind the scenes, Congress Party handlers helped promote a new Punjab-based Sikh party, the Dal Khalsa ("party of the pure) for him. Even at this early stage, Bhindranwale was known to be both prone to religious violence, and a strong advocate of an independent Sikh state.

In a remarkably short period of time, Bhindranwale was able to manipulate the teachings of Sikhism’s original gurus, and create for himself an armed and dedicated following using the Dal Khalsa (DK). By 1981, he had already been implicated in murdering two gurus of the Nirankari sect of Sikhism (whom many Sikhs view as "heretics"). In 1978, he led a violent confrontation at one of their events, in which three Nirankaris and twelve DK members were killed. By this point it was readily apparent that the Congress Party had lost control of their pawn.

Bhindranwale established training camps at various temples and recruited more followers. One of the most important strategic alliances he forged was with the All-India Sikh Student’s Federation. It also had a history of separatist-inspired violence in the Punjab, including robbery and murder.

In 1983, India’s military intelligence, the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) unsuccessfully tried to infiltrate Bhindranwale’s organization, and over 100 intelligence officers died in these attempts. Later that year, the killing of police officials escalated to the point where the central government stepped in and took control of the Punjab. The state’s policing operations were severely hampered by the massive network developed by Bhindranwale’s followers that could easily target any individual or police officer who acted against them. Through a combination of both intimidation and the rallying of pro-Sikh emotions, Bhindranwale moved into the Golden Temple, the religion’s holiest site, heavily fortified it, and made it his base of operations.

Security forces surrounded the Golden Temple, claiming a fear that Bhindranwale would declare an independent Khalistan (the name of the Sikh state they wanted to create) and concerns that India’s arch-rival Pakistan might be helping to foment ethnic unrest. Bhindranwale refused to surrender, and by June 6, 1984, security forces assaulted the temple in what was then called Operation Blue Star. Bhindranwale was killed in the engagement.

The political and emotional fall-out caused by the action was far-reaching within the Sikh communities in India and abroad. Many were disgusted that the final assault occurred on the date Sikhs celebrate the martyrdom of Guru Arjun. Hundreds of innocent pilgrims were at the temple at the time celebrating the event. While official death tolls were not believed, the number killed is estimated to be in the low thousands.

The assault on the Golden Temple offered radicals an instant legitimacy within a wider segment of the Punjab’s population; more than they could have ever attained had it not occurred. Ethnic tensions were further inflamed when, on October 31, 1984, two of Indira Gandhi’s Sikh bodyguards gunned her down in revenge for the desecration of the Golden Temple. Anti-Sikh rioting ensued throughout India, forcing thousands of Sikhs to flee to the Punjab, where they felt safe.

Until Operation Blue Star in 1984, Bhindranwale’s Dal Khalsa was the dominant pro-separatist terrorist organization in the Punjab. His death in the raid allowed for other groups to rise in the chaotic aftermath. An analysis of the post-1984 period reveals the presence of numerous guerilla/terrorist groups; all of which were unable to unite, or even to refrain, from engaging in operations against each other. This prevented the development of an effective anti-government campaign.

For a brief period of time, Operation Blue Star galvanized a substantial amount of political and financial support from the Sikh population in India and internationally. However, because numerous organizations existed, each with their own philosophical goals and methods of achieving an independent state, none of the momentum generated was ever fully harnessed by any. The overwhelming presence of strictly armed groups also pushed away any potential political options. This infighting was transposed into the international arms of these organizations, and the internecine violence continued in countries such as Canada.

Babbar Khalsa (BK): The Babbar Khalsa was founded in India in 1978. Originally, its founder, Sukhdev Singh Dasuwal was a follower of Bhindranwale, but broke away to form his own group and later tried to kill Bhindranwale. Within several years, branches of the BK were established in a number of western countries, being most active in Canada and Britain. Outside India they operate as the Babbar Khalsa International (BKI). The BK was present at the Golden Temple in June of 1984 with Bhindranwale and his armed followers. A number of Babbars left only days before the assault on the holy complex, putting inter-group rivalries above the defence of the temple.

Philosophically, the Babbars concentrated on changing, or more accurately controlling the lifestyles of individual Sikhs, and were never hesitant about using violence and murder as a way of enforcing a strict fundamentalist code of discipline. So strict are they in the interpretation of Sikh doctrine and practices, observers have often noted their similarity to a religious cult. By the early 1990s, the Canadian-based Talwinder Singh Parmar had broken away from the BKI and formed the Azad Babbar Khalsa ("Independent Babbar Khalsa").

Khalistan Command Force (KCF): A new Panthic Committe (a united front of mostly militant organizations) was established in the chaos after Operation Blue Star. The Khalistan Commando Force was inaugurated as its military wing. At this time, the KCF had approximately 400 fighters. In North America, they operate as the Council of Khalistan. The BK were not participants in this coalition.

By early 1987, internal differences and egos split the newly created group. Gurbachan Singh Manochanal, one of the five original Panthic Committe members broke away and formed the Bhindranwale Tiger Force for Khalistan (BTFK). In 1988, members of the Bhindranwale family convinced another member of the new Panthic Committee to join them and form the Car Juhujharu Jathebande (CJJ). Another breakaway group, the Khalistan Liberation Force (KLF), joined the CJJ after the death of its leader.

The majority of the breakaway groups from the KCF fell under the influence of the BK. The KCF, and its remaining sub-groups, was the main armed coalition that offered an alternative to the BK. The over-arching objective of the KCF was to mount an assault upon the Indian state, as opposed to the more religiously inspired campaign of the BK.

All-India Sikh Student’s Federation (AISSF): The AISSF was originally the student’s wing of the Akali Dal Party, but had broken off in the 1970s. Several years prior to Operation Blue Star, Bhindranwale had made contact with its leader Amrik Singh, who was the son of his own teacher while he studied for the priesthood. The organization had already established a reputation for robbery, assassination, and bombings in the name of Khalistan. While cooperating with Bhindranwale, the AISSF also made inroads into Pakistan.

Amrik Singh died with Bhindranwale in the Golden Temple during Operation Blue Star. Since then, the organization has fragmented into two major groups: one headed by Daljit Singh Bittoo, and the other by Manjit (or Lal) Singh. The Singh-led faction posed the most problems for security forces in India, due to their propensity for violence in the pursuit of a separate state.

Indian authorities have always believed that Manjit Singh had some involvement in the 1985 Air India attacks. In 1992, he was tracked down and arrested by Indian’s counter-terrorist police unit. Singh was charged with conspiracy to kidnap the granddaughter of Prime Minister Rao. At the time he was also a high-ranking member of the KLF. After weeks of interrogation he allegedly confessed to having lived in Canada while the bomb that brought down Air India 182 was being assembled in British Columbia. He is also reported to have lived illegally in Canada from 1984 to 1988.

International Sikh Youth Federation (ISYF): The ISYF is the international arm of the All-India Sikh Student’s federation. It was born in Britain in 1984, and soon expanded into Canada under Lakbir Singh Brar, who had family ties to Bhindranwale. It became plagued by intense divisions in 1988. Currently, there are two significant factions of the ISYF, one led by Satinder Pal Singh, and the other by Jasbin Singh Rode. Rode’s faction included Brar, then under considerable pressure from Canadian immigration authorities. Competition between the two camps has been fierce over the control of both temples and Sikh community newspapers in Canada.

As early as 1983, Indian intelligence suspected Pakistani involvement in supporting the terrorist groups. The Punjab shares a border with Pakistan of some 555 kilometres. Due north of the border lies the disputed region of Jammu-Kasmir, where Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and Al-Qaeda have been providing support for Muslim militants for years. An interesting statistic emerges within the violent pro-Khalistan movement; 70% of its hard-core support came from only 220 of the Punjab’s 13,000 villages. The vast majority of these are located close to the Punjab-Pakistan border.

With the protection of a massive army presence, a Congress government was elected in 1992 in the Punjab. There were protests, although violence and intimidation still kept many voters from going to the polls. The presence of the Congress Party was taken as a direct challenge to the militants, who set out on a massive campaign in 1992 of assassinating anyone representing the central government.

The militant violence was countered by a reorganization of the security services and an increased role for the military in the region. Aggressive counter-insurgency and counter-terrorist operations yielded dramatic results, including the elimination of Canadian Talwinder Singh Parmar, a prominent figure in the BKI, who was killed at the Indo-Pakistani border.

Although seriously constrained, members of several terrorist groups have been able to mount limited operations against the Indian government. In 1995, the BK assassinated the Chief Minister of the Punjab, the closely related KLF also claimed responsibility. A bombing campaign was foiled in 1999 when a BK member was arrested with several detonators and 18 kgs of RDX, -- a plastic explosive. Indian authorities allege that the intended targets were both administrative buildings and officials in the Punjab. The BK suspect, according to police, confessed to having ties to the Khalistan-Kashmir Jihad Force.

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John Thompson is President of the Mackenzie Institute which studies political instability and terrorism. He can be reached at: mackenzieinstitute@bellnet.ca

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